“HUMANITY IN A HUMAN-MACHINE CIVILISATION”

 

PUBLIC LECTURE BY

 

THE HONOURABLE DATO’ SERI ANWAR IBRAHIM

PRIME MINISTER OF MALAYSIA

 

 AT THE

 

RESEARCH CENTRE FOR

ADVANCED SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY (RCAST)

UNIVERSITY OF TOKYO

 

10 JUNE 2026

 

 

Distinguished guests,

Ladies and gentlemen,

 It is a privilege to be at the University of Tokyo and at the Research Centre for Advanced Science and Technology.

For generations, this university has nurtured some of Japan’s finest minds: scholars, scientists, writers, public servants, engineers and leaders who helped shape the modern life of this nation. To speak here is therefore a great honour.

Let me begin with one of the great modern voices of Japanese poetry, Masaoka Shiki, who believed that poetry should keep faith with real life, with what the eye sees and the heart recognises.

That is a useful reminder in our own age. Machines can now produce fluent language, beautiful images and confident answers. AI can compose melodious music and simulate the human voice crooning in perfect pitch. Yet the harder task remains ours: to see clearly, to judge carefully, and to ask what becomes of human beings when our tools begin to imitate so much of human expression.

Our concern today is the human meaning of Artificial Intelligence: how we live with systems that can learn from us, speak to us, advise us and, act for us.

This is nothing new for Japan for it has asked this question for many years: in its factories and laboratories, in its long experience with robotics, and in a culture that understands the importance of authenticity and history.

Malaysia brings its own experience to this conversation. Ours is a trading nation, long accustomed to working across languages, cultures and systems. We are already part of the semiconductor supply chain, and we have set ourselves the goal of becoming an AI Nation by 2030.

And there’s the rub: Beyond the slides and presentations and the PR razzmatazz, what does “becoming an AI nation” really mean? To my mind, this question transcends borders, certainly beyond our two nations. And Asia cannot enter the age of artificial intelligence only as a market, a manufacturing base and a source of data.

We must help shape a digital civilisation worthy of humankind. The question is: What does such a civilisation entail? Mankind has been modernising at a rapid pace, employing new jargon of technology and progress with a vengeance. Yet, are we witnessing any real changes being made to the state of human affairs?

The gross inequalities of civilisation continue to persist, the dehumanisation of society moves on at an even more aggressive pace with the eruption of military conflicts and outright wars while the savagery and barbarism of certain peoples and entities not only continue but have exacerbated.

As we stand on the precipice of a massive technological paradigm shift supposedly signifying mankind’s great advancement, these stark realities continue to stare us in the face: the genocide in Gaza, the brutal massacre of school girls in Iran even as they scramble for cover, the incessant bombardment and wanton destruction of Lebanon, and the energy crisis unleashed by the closure of the Strait of Hormuz.

To a great extent, the bitter irony is that these atrocities are effectively enabled by the advent of the digital revolution. Particularly, the great strides of AI. Can we in good conscience make the claim that such advancements are worthy of humankind?

“The Space Between Persons”

There is no doubt that technologies have their good side as well, and we have seen how they have altered the path of civilisation: from irrigation of human settlement to the steam engine and the dynamics in speed and scale. Hence, today, a journey that once demanded planning around the day could now be fitted into the hour. That is efficiency par excellence via technology. But AI cannot be treated as a question of efficiency alone. It is becoming a powerful mediator of human intention.

Moral philosopher Watsuji Tetsurō throws light on the word ningen (人間) and postulates the imperative for “human relationality.” The two characters carry a suggestion: the person, and the space between persons. A human being is never a solitary figure standing apart from the world. We are born into relation. We are shaped by family, by community, by history, and by the affections that pass between one life and another.

Nevertheless, in today’s discourse, our focus is that space is now being entered by systems that can mimic human interaction with extraordinary ease and fluency. But that fluency can be a dangerous disguise.

 A machine may produce words of comfort without knowing grief, or draft an apology without having wronged another. It may conjure an image of beauty without having stood before the sea and witnessed the golden hour of twilight. But it will never watch a parent grow old, or feel the silence after loss.

Shakespeare gives us the deeper test in King Lear: “Speak what we feel, not what we ought to say.” Undeniably, LLMs can learn what ought to be said. What they cannot do is speak from the wound, the affection or the remorse that gives human speech its moral weight. Indeed, fervent advocates of agentic AI contend that the solution to this is already on the horizon, if not already realised. That to my mind still falls within the arena of conjecture.

A human-machine civilisation must therefore be judged by more than intelligence. Indeed, it must be judged by whether human beings remain capable of care, responsibility and judgement in the presence of systems that can imitate them.

Work, Dignity and Humanity

Distinguished guests,

Ladies and gentlemen,

The first place where many people will feel AI-induced change is work. Now, while human beings have adapted to job disruptions triggered by powerful technologies before, today we are looking at an unprecedented paradigm shift. Where before it was predominantly a case of automation of manual labour, now it is about autonomous cognitive and decision-making tasks, denigrating the human role from one of origination to mere curation, and of production to mere supervision.

But ultimately, the fundamental question is: has the advent of AI taken us on a path of real advancement or caused us to double down on our imperfections and inequities? Do we want the advent of AI to fortify the excesses and wrongdoings that have been perpetrated in the name of progress and material growth? Do we continue to be blindsided by the self-referential statistics of so-called human advancement? These are not academic postulations. These questions hit us directly once we lift the mask of “technological advancement” and face the stark realities of our lived experiences.

 Indeed, AI will continue to render work more efficiently. But this comes at the price of diminishing critical thinking, eroding the life of the mind, and aggravating the loss of human compassion. Truth be told, the ruthless pursuit of efficiency, without more, may well strip away our very humanity. What would become of the espousal of traditional values such as empathy or consideration for others, which we well know as “Omoiyari”?

Let us not forget that work is also about dignity, agency and trust. If people feel that the future of work is being decided by firms they do not know, models they cannot see, and markets that move faster than public institutions, then the question becomes political as much as economic. The clichéd answer is invariably thrown back to us: It is said that this is inevitable because we cannot slow down, let alone stop, the march of modern civilization.

But to my mind, this is seeking recourse to convenient excuses because we are not prepared to face the inconvenient truth. Can we justify being preoccupied with this new obsession even as we persist to turn a blind eye to the gross social inequities and the expanding gap between the powerful and the weak? Why do we continue to accept as normal the exploitation of man by man because of technological superiority of one over the other?

Deep down, this poses an existential conundrum. Even before the AI tsunami, Nobel laureate Yasunari Kawabata warns that the unbridled pursuit of materialistic indulgence, much associated with the ascent of modernisation, could well throw humanity into “shock, trauma, psychological, and spiritual isolation.”

This is why some forms of work deserve particular care: teaching, nursing, medicine, craft, the patient work of listening to another human being. Undoubtedly, AI can assist much in this regard, but we must not allow it to impoverish the human experience.

Knowledge, Trust and Power

 Distinguished guests,

Ladies and gentlemen,

The university reminds us of another question: knowledge. Every civilisation depends on institutions that help human beings know the world with some measure of confidence: a university, a library, a court, a newspaper, a public archive. None is perfect. But together they give society a way of testing claims, preserving memory and passing judgement across generations.

 AI enters this world with extraordinary power. But knowledge is not the same as the mere retrieval of information. Understanding is not the same as summary for, as T.S. Eliot reminds us, not only is the knowledge lost in all that information, even wisdom may be lost in all that knowledge.

It is in this sphere, that I believe universities can and must contribute to ensuring that we stay on the path towards wisdom. It cannot be overstressed that the true value of education is character building: compassion, kindness, integrity, generosity, and understanding in people, particularly the young. I truly believe that this is a universal value that readily resonates with all of us.

There is also the question of AI’s relationship with power. The systems that shape this new world require data, chips, energy, cloud infrastructure, talent and capital. These are not distributed evenly. In fact, it is clear that globally, the digital divide is widening, not shrinking. A small number of countries and corporations hold great influence over the models, platforms and standards that others must use.

Some technology companies have begun to speak in the language of civilisational mission: war, national destiny, strategic rivalry and the future of democracy. They build systems for armed forces and intelligence agencies, and their platforms increasingly help states see patterns, sort risks and make decisions under pressure.

There is no gainsaying that states have legitimate security needs, and no serious government can or should ignore the capabilities that new technologies provide. But these companies go further, contending openly that advanced software and artificial intelligence are not meant to be harnessed for altruistic purposes. On the contrary, they need to be weaponised to serve geopolitical interests.

This should certainly give us pause, for when the language of civilisational competition becomes embedded in technologies, it breeds cultural superiority and fosters greater digital divide even as we should ask what else is being embedded with it. A platform offered as a tool may begin to carry the deeper logic of dominion: who sees, who decides, who sets the terms, and who must live within them.

Malaysia does not seek isolation. We know that technology grows through exchange, and that no country can build the future alone. But we do not wish to see great-power rivalry carried into every layer of digital life. We do not want an AI order in which every platform becomes a camp, every standard becomes a flag, and every dependency becomes a silent act of alignment.

Sovereignty is not just about ownership. It is about the capacity to engage the world without being absorbed by it. It is the ability to understand the systems we use, to set the rules, to protect our people from their misuse. Above all, it is about preserving the authority and setting the accountability of public institutions over society.

Malaysia, Japan and the Human Purpose of AI

For Malaysia, AI must answer to development: raising productivity, improving public services, supporting teachers, doctors, farmers, engineers and civil servants, and helping us prepare for an ageing society before those needs overwhelm us. We must resist treating AI policy as a race measured only by speed, efficiency, and scale. The better ambition is capability: talent, infrastructure, data governance and the confidence to decide where AI should be used, where it should be limited, and where human judgement must remain paramount.

Artificial intelligence will continue to advance. But it does not arrive with its purposes already written. Those purposes will be shaped by human beings, by our laws, our institutions, our markets, our universities and our moral courage. The question is whether we will guide this power with wisdom before it begins to guide too much of us, or worse, before it reaches that tipping point where its capabilities and growth rate are beyond human comprehension or control, posing an existential threat to humanity.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Let us be clear: We are no Luddites and we are all for embracing technological advancement. But if the machine is to enter our homes, our schools, our hospitals, our offices, our public institutions and even our imagination, then the challenge will indeed be formidable.

 The work before us is clear. We must build systems that serve human beings to enrich our humanity, not debase it, institutions that remain answerable to them, and societies that remember what no machine can inherit on our behalf: conscience, responsibility, integrity, and care for one another.

Thank you.

SPEECH BY DATO’ SERI ANWAR IBRAHIM

PRIME MINISTER OF MALAYSIA

 

AT THE

 

NIKKEI CONFERENCE ON THE FUTURE OF ASIA

 

10 June 2026 Tokyo, Japan

 

NAVIGATING STRATEGIC UNCERTAINTY

 

 Excellencies, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen,

Allow me first to thank Nikkei for convening this significant gathering and for the honour of addressing such a distinguished audience.

Tokyo has long been a place where Asia comes to reflect on its future, and the Nikkei forum represents a key platform for geopolitical and geoeconomic discourse that is of consequence to the region.

Today, that conversation carries a special urgency, as we meet at a moment of profound disruption and uncertainty. But let us be clear, the uncertainty is strategic not because it has erupted overnight or even recently. In fact, it has been simmering for some time now.

This warrants an examination of the root causes. I daresay that among them is the fact that leaders have not really freed themselves of the old paradigm in geopolitics. It is one where the dictates of realpolitik and hegemonic considerations goad leaders to strive for power, constantly piling on their military and economic might in the name of strategic security.

The Cold War might have ended 35 years ago but, to be sure, history did not end with it. On the contrary, we are still held ransom to the classic zero-sum power dynamics where the strong continues to be invested in suppressing the weak. This is a formula for failure.

The continuing tragedy in Gaza, the tensions across West Asia and their compounding global effects, and the prolonged war in Ukraine remind us of the fragility of peace and the limits of international consensus. These are urgent and pressing concerns directly impacting the very fabric of international order. But this is not all.

Great power rivalry in this region, particularly, the South China sea disputes, pose a clear and present danger to maritime stability, placing Southeast Asia on edge. Meanwhile, we need to contend with the multi layered threat posed by North Korea on account of its nuclear programs, not to mention its tremendous warfare capacities, both conventional and cyber.

Navigating this strategic uncertainty warrants more than passive acceptance of the state of play. It is the duty of political leadership to provide clarity to this strategic flux and not condone the excesses of realpolitik, let alone contribute to fanning the flames of discord.

Nor do we consider it appropriate, let alone useful, for nations to be coy about the real issues that matter. The elephant in the room must be pointed out. We shouldn’t lay the blame on the younger generation for their idealism. We need leaders with the courage of conviction to call out the injustices and hardship that continue to plague us and to advocate for a more proactive approach to peace and progress.

Ladies and gentlemen,

History teaches us that disruption is not uncommon. Long before the emergence of our modern states, the peoples of the Malay world and the Japanese archipelago learned to navigate uncertain waters. As maritime civilisations, we came to understand a simple truth: prosperity did not come from turning inward, but from engaging the wider world through trade, dialogue, and cooperation.

That heritage also taught us something else: the importance of navigation. For centuries, sailors crossed vast oceans without certainty about what lay ahead. They could not control the winds, but they knew where to look for direction. Those were centuries of peaceful co-existence that took us on the path of global convivencia in the pursuit of common prosperity.

Today, however, the world's middle powers face cumulatively steep challenges as we find ourselves navigating an increasingly complex strategic landscape. Yet, even as we can neither control every geopolitical current nor predict every disruption, we must remain clear about the principles that provide our bearing, to guide us through the challenges before us.

The international system that supported decades of growth and development is under enormous strain. The multilateral trading system, once the cornerstone of global economic integration, faces mounting pressures from fragmentation, unilateral actions, and strategic competition. It appears that Trump’s failed “Liberation Day” tariffs are being given another new lease on life via new proposed impositions invoked under Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974.

Across the global economy, export restrictions and industrial policies are increasingly shaped by geopolitical rivalry. Most troubling is the growing tendency to weaponise economic interdependence. Supply chains, technology, critical minerals, finance, and market access are increasingly viewed through the lens of rivalry rather than mutual benefit.

For major powers, these may be harnessed as instruments of statecraft. For many others, however, they become sources of vulnerability. Asia's prosperity was built on openness. Our economies grew because trade expanded, investment flowed, and markets became more interconnected.

Yet retreat to nostalgia can hardly be the way forward. The institutions that underpinned globalisation were designed for a different era. Today's challenges, from economic security and industrial policy to digital trade and emerging technologies, require fresh approaches and revitalised institutions.

The task before us is neither to abandon the multilateral system, nor to preserve it unchanged. It is to reform and renew it. Our task is to hold fast to a system underscored by the principles of openness, transparency, predictability, and a rules-based framework that gives all countries the confidence to engage with the world.

But we must also ensure that our institutions remain relevant to the challenges of our time. They must be capable of responding to new realities rather than antiquated assumptions.

Middle powers have a particular responsibility in this endeavour. We may not possess overwhelming power, but we possess credibility. We understand the aspirations of developing nations and the concerns of advanced economies. We are uniquely positioned to build bridges where others see divides, and build consensus where others see discord.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Asia's rise has been one of the defining achievements of our time. Economic integration expanded opportunities, lifted millions out of poverty, and transformed the region into a major engine of global growth. Yet the foundations of that success are increasingly under strain. Strategic competition risks dividing the region into competing spheres, while challenges such as climate change, demographic transitions, and technological disruption transcend national borders.

Artificial intelligence illustrates both the promise and peril of this new era. It has the potential to accelerate productivity, transform industries, and unlock new pathways to development. Yet it also risks widening inequalities, concentrating power, and leaving many societies struggling to keep pace.

The future of AI cannot be shaped solely by a handful of technological powers or private corporations. Whether it be in the guise of a new “civilising mission” or “digital colonisation”, we must reject any new fangled manifestation of technological fascism. Developing nations must have a firm voice in shaping the rules and governance frameworks that will influence the lives of billions.

 And that lesson extends well beyond AI. The challenges before us are simply too complex for any nation to address alone. Therefore, rather than capitulation, the answer lies in collaboration, encapsulating cooperation, trust, and institutions capable of bringing together diverse interests.

This is why ASEAN remains relevant. ASEAN centrality is not merely a diplomatic concept. It is a practical response to a more fragmented world. It reflects the conviction that inclusion must prevail over exclusion, dialogue over division, and cooperation over coercion.

 Japan has long been one of ASEAN's most valued partners in this endeavour. Together, we must continue strengthening an open and inclusive regional architecture that enables all nations to prosper.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Time and tide wait for no nation and history seldom rewards indifference. Progress belongs to those willing to shape events rather than merely react to them. When Penang embarked on its industrial transformation in the 1970s, Japanese firms helped lay the foundations for it to become one of Asia's leading electronics and semiconductor hubs. The relationship was built not simply on investment, but on confidence, partnership, and a shared belief in long-term development.

Today, that spirit remains highly relevant, and must continue to ride on the mantra of proactivity over passivity. Thus, when the future of the Trans Pacific Partnership was cast into doubt, Japan stepped forward to sustain the initiative and transform it into the CPTPP, widely regarded as the gold standard for modern trade treaties.

Likewise, when regional economic integration faced uncertainty, ASEAN members, including Malaysia, worked with Japan and other Dialogue Partners to bring the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership into force, creating the world's largest free trade agreement by population and economic scale.

But the task before us is far from complete. The next chapter of regional cooperation will not be defined solely by market access. It will be defined by our ability to strengthen economic resilience, and build trusted supply chains. The challenge is how effectively we can accelerate the energy transition, harness artificial intelligence responsibly, and ensure that technological progress benefits all rather than a privileged few.

In this regard, while much has been pondered on the future of the Indo Pacific, this much is clear: It cannot be built solely on strategic concepts. It must be anchored in practical cooperation that delivers tangible benefits to our peoples.

Above all, this is preconditioned on a relationship of mutual trust, a genuine aspiration and political will to ensure mutual benefits to be derived from economic collaboration. The crucial imperative of “geoeconomic transparency” in dealing with one’s partner cannot be overstressed.

In this vein, the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific, Japan's vision for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific, and initiatives such as the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework reflect a common recognition: that prosperity, resilience, and stability are deeply interconnected. The challenge before us is therefore not to create ever more frameworks, but to ensure that existing initiatives produce meaningful outcomes. Frameworks must be matched by strong leadership, resolute commitment, and decisive action.

This is where Malaysia and Japan can make a meaningful contribution. In semiconductors, Malaysia's growing strengths in assembly, testing, and advanced packaging complement Japan's leadership in materials, equipment, and advanced manufacturing. Together, we have an opportunity to build more resilient and integrated technology ecosystems at a time when supply chains face increasing pressures.

In energy, our partnership can contribute to Asia’s transition towards a lower-carbon future while maintaining economic growth and energy security. Through initiatives such as the Asia Zero Emission Community, we are demonstrating that sustainability and development need not be competing objectives.

In the digital economy and artificial intelligence, we must work together to ensure that innovation remains people-centred and inclusive, creating opportunities rather than deepening inequalities. Growth, not stagnation, empowerment, not subjugation,

Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,

The sailors of old could not predict every storm. They could not control the currents, nor could they see beyond every horizon. What they possessed was a clear sense of direction.

Today, our world does not suffer from a shortage of power. It suffers from a shortage of clarity. Clarity that institutions must be reformed and renewed, rather than abandoned. Clarity that cooperation remains preferable to division. And, clarity that leadership requires initiative, not resignation.

If we remain guided by these principles, I earnestly believe we can transform today's challenges into tomorrow's opportunities.

Malaysia stands ready to work with Japan, with ASEAN, and with all like minded partners who believe that peace is sustained through dialogue, prosperity is built through openness, and progress is achieved through cooperation. Together, let us navigate this strategic uncertainty and chart the path forward.

Thank you.

 

JAPAN-MALAYSIA JOINT STATEMENT

JUNE 10, 2026, TOKYO

 

1. On June 10, 2026, in Tokyo, Her Excellency Ms. Takaichi Sanae, Prime Minister of Japan, and His Excellency Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim, Prime Minister of Malaysia, held a constructive and productive bilateral summit meeting.

2. Both leaders affirmed that bilateral cooperation has been progressing in a wide range of areas, including security, economy, and human resource development, under the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership established in December 2023, and concurred on further strengthening this partnership.

3. Both leaders reaffirmed the vital role of the Look East Policy as the cornerstone of the long-standing friendship and partnership between Japan and Malaysia, and affirmed on further advancing the policy into a deeper, mutually enriching partnership in which both countries leverage each other's knowledge, experience and expertise through exchanges and cooperation in various fields, as the two countries approach the 70th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations in 2027.

4. Both leaders reaffirmed their commitment to deepening the synergies between the Japan’s vision of the Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) and the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP), which share fundamental principles, while respecting ASEAN Centrality and unity, and to cooperating towards maintaining and strengthening the free and open international order based on the rule of law. Prime Minister Anwar welcomed Japan’s updated FOIP vision as articulated in Prime Minister Takaichi's speech delivered on May 2, 2026, recognising it as an important initiative that will facilitate the advancement of their commitment and contribute to peace, freedom and prosperity in the region.

Security and Safety Cooperation

5. Both leaders reaffirmed their commitment to peace, stability and prosperity in the region and beyond in accordance with the principles of the United Nations Charter and to the upholding of international law. Both leaders also reiterated their commitment to further promoting security cooperation and confirmed their intention to hold at an early date the next Vice-Ministerial bilateral consultations and the next Strategic Dialogue, which was launched in 2024.

6. Both leaders welcomed the deepening of security cooperation through Japan’s Official Security Assistance (OSA) since 2023 and confirmed that they will continue to implement project formulation, looking ahead to the prospects for long-term cooperation.

7. Both leaders welcomed the continued conduct of bilateral exercises between the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force (JMSDF) and the Royal Malaysian Navy. Both leaders also confirmed their intention to continue dialogue between the defense organizations of both countries and to further promote training and exchanges between them. Both leaders also decided to accelerate the formulation of concrete projects under the Agreement concerning the Transfer of Defence Equipment and Technology concluded in 2018. Prime Minister Anwar welcomed the review of the Three Principles on Transfer of Defense Equipment and Technology and its Implementation Guidelines by the Government of Japan as the new framework greatly expands the possibilities of defense cooperation between the two countries.

8. Both leaders recognised the deepening of maritime safety and security cooperation between the Japan Coast Guard and the Malaysian Maritime Enforcement Agency, and welcomed the signing of a Memorandum of Cooperation (MOC) between the two agencies on the occasion of this summit meeting. Both leaders expressed their expectation that further cooperation between the two countries will contribute to ensuring safe and free navigation and overflight in the Seas in Asia including the Strait of Malacca and the South China Sea and, to building resilient, robust and integrated supply chains.

9. Both leaders decided to strengthen, promote and enhance bilateral cooperation in the field of transnational crimes, including online fraud, drug offences, money laundering, as well as terrorism and violent extremism.

Economy and People-to-People Exchanges

10. Both leaders underscored the importance of long-standing bilateral cooperation between Japan and Malaysia and welcomed the deepening of economic and trade relations since the launch of the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership in 2023. They reaffirmed their shared commitment to deepening collaboration based on their respective economic growth strategies, whose strategic priorities are closely aligned and capable of generating strong synergies. Both leaders concurred in further developing public-private industrial cooperation, taking into account the industrial policies of both countries. In this regard, both leaders welcomed the active investment by Japanese companies in Malaysia's automobile industry, as exemplified by the cooperation between Perodua and Daihatsu, including collaboration on promoting Hybrid Electric Vehicles (HEVs). They also remain committed to ensuring the full and effective implementation of the ASEAN-Japan Comprehensive Economic Partnership (AJCEP) Agreement, Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) Agreement, and Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP).

11. Both leaders welcomed and reaffirmed their recognition of the importance of the launch of the Partnership On Wide Energy and Resources Resilience Asia (POWERR Asia) in April. Both leaders confirmed their commitment to strengthening regional energy security, in light of the destabilisation of global energy supply and geopolitical risks stemming from the situation in the Middle East. Prime Minister Anwar expressed Malaysia's utmost commitment to promote open and stable trade flows to Japan, including for essential energy supplies such as LNG as well as petroleum and chemicals products such as naphtha, urea, and medical gloves. The leaders concurred on enhancing cooperation between Malaysia and Japan in this area, including exploring ways to support Japan’s needs consistent with Malaysia’s domestic priorities and available surplus capacity.

12. Both leaders welcomed the deepening of cooperation and affirmed to further strengthen cooperation towards realising energy security, economic growth and decarbonisation simultaneously in the region under the framework of the Asia Zero Emission Community (AZEC). Both leaders expressed their expectation that the initiatives mentioned herein will be incorporated into POWERR Asia and AZEC 2.0, taking into account the perspectives of energy security and economic resilience. In this regard, they welcomed the signing of the Letter of Intent (LOI) on cooperation in the field of energy security and energy transition and the MoC in the field of environment and sustainability as a significant step in advancing such cooperation. Both leaders welcomed the opportunity to strengthen bilateral cooperation on carbon market mechanism through the Joint Crediting Mechanism (JCM) and the commencement of the construction of production facilities for the world’s first ammonia-fueled gas turbine power generation initiative, as well as for biofuels private sector initiative, such as Sustainable Aviation Fuel (SAF), and concurred in advancing the communication about the Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS) technology. Furthermore, they acknowledged with appreciation bilateral cooperation on the ASEAN Power Grid initiative under the engagement between JBIC and Malaysian counterparts, such as Tenaga Nasional, Sarawak Energy, and Petronas, the first Nearly Zero Energy Building (Nearly ZEB) in Malaysia as a significant step towards energy efficiency, and the progress in joint research and capacity building on agricultural GHG reduction between Japanese and Malaysian universities through the MIDORI INFINITY.

13. Both leaders concurred on cooperating towards the promotion of the peaceful use of nuclear energy in Malaysia, while ensuring the highest standards of nuclear safety, security and non-proliferation. Prime Minister Takaichi welcomed the sharing of updates on Malaysia’s preparations for the introduction of nuclear power – including reactor technology options, site selection, and business and institutional arrangements – as a basis for formulating Japan’s support plan. Both leaders welcomed Japan’s capacity building support for Malaysia in the field of nuclear energy.

14. Both leaders shared the view to strengthen cooperation in the field of economic security. They expressed concerns over all forms of economic coercion, and the use of non-market policies and practices, as well as the arbitrary export restrictions that could have a significant negative impact on global supply chains. They concurred on deepening cooperation on strengthening supply chain resilience, including for critical materials, and promoting transparent, diversified, secured, sustainable, trustworthy and reliable supply chains among trusted partners. In this regard, both leaders concurred on strengthening the resilience of critical minerals such as rare earth supply chains through ongoing cooperation by JICA, JOGMEC, and JBIC, and measures to streamline regulatory processes in line with each country’s laws and regulations, policies, and priorities. Furthermore, both leaders concurred on promoting cooperations with like-minded countries such as Australia and France in critical minerals area including rare earth. Both leaders also concurred on deepening cooperation on resource circulation of critical minerals through ARCPEEC (ASEANJapan Resource Circulation Partnerships on E-Waste, ELV and Critical Minerals). Malaysia welcomed Japan's announcement of a contribution of USD 20 million to the Critical Minerals-to-Manufacturing Financing Partnership Facility (CMM-FPF) launched by the Asian Development Bank (ADB) to strengthen critical mineral supply chains in Asia, including Malaysia. Prime Minister Anwar also welcomed the World Bank Group’s the Resilient and Inclusive Supply-chain Enhancement (RISE) Partnership to strengthen the critical mineral supply chains in ASEAN including Malaysia.

15. Both leaders recognized space as a strategic sector promoting sustainable economic growth and innovation, and concurred on further strengthening Japan-Malaysia cooperation in the space economy. They also affirmed the importance of promoting the utilization of satellite data including Earth observation data across various industrial sectors.

16. Both leaders recognised the importance of strengthening their AI national capabilities and building a safe, secure, and trustworthy AI ecosystem, and concurred on exploring further cooperation under the Japan-ASEAN Co-Creation Initiative for AI. In this context, both leaders concurred to establish the Japan-Malaysia AI Platform primarily as a mechanism between Japanese and Malaysian AI-related companies including startups for solving social challenges as well as for other AI-related cooperation. Both leaders welcomed the private-sector-led strategic collaboration framework for JapanMalaysia cooperation in AI and semiconductor-related fields contributing to green transformation. Prime Minister Anwar also welcomed the increasing number of Japanese startups expanding into Malaysia through programmes established by Japanese government and both leaders concurred in pursuing cooperation in the startup sector, including the expansion of Malaysian companies into Japan.

17. Both leaders welcomed the cooperation as a joint effort involving Japanese companies and Malaysian stakeholders to strengthen a sustainable and responsible supply chains including palm oil. They also welcomed joint research aimed at realising sustainable tropical forests and a sustainable palm oil industry. Moreover, they welcomed expansion of agri-food trade through strengthening such cooperation.

18. Both leaders reaffirmed that the bilateral swap arrangement between the two countries has played an important role as part of the regional safety net, and tasked further discussion towards its enhancements. They also concurred to explore initiatives to promote the use of local currency settlement including in bilateral trade and investment. Both leaders also reaffirmed the importance of regional financial cooperation, including efforts to strengthen the regional financial safety net and to promote DRF (Disaster Risk Financing).

19. Prime Minister Takaichi welcomed the participation of Malaysia in GREENxEXPO 2027, to be held from 19 March to 26 September 2027 in Yokohama, Japan. Both leaders confirmed that they would make their utmost efforts for the success of the Expo.

20. Both leaders reiterated that people-to-people exchanges between the two countries under the Look East Policy serve as the cornerstone of bilateral relations. Prime Minister Takaichi confirmed Japan’s intention to continue promoting existing programmes, including JENESYS, Sakura Science Exchange Program, and MEXT Scholarship, and to sustain the promotion of human resource exchanges. Both leaders confirmed their intention to further update the Look East Policy by promoting mutual exchanges. For bilateral collaborative research between Japan and Malaysia, both leaders concurred on leveraging programs such as NEXUS (Networked Exchange, United Strength for Stronger Partnerships between Japan and ASEAN), and the MSE (Malaysia Science Endowment) to promote international talent mobility and drive innovation in addressing national challenges of mutual interest to both nations. Both leaders also welcomed the opening of the University of Tsukuba Malaysia in September 2024, and concurred in accelerating cooperation towards the realisation of the Malaysia-Japan International Institute of Technology (MJIIT) 2.0 concept and to promote exchanges in the fields of culture and sports.

21. Both leaders were pleased with exchange of two-way visitors reaching approximately 1.05 million in 2025. Both leaders concurred on expanding people-to-people relations and welcomed the launch of new air routes connecting the two countries.

Regional and International Cooperation 

22. Both leaders exchanged views and recognised concerns on the situation in the East China Sea and the South China Sea. They reaffirmed the importance of maintaining peace, stability, security, and freedom of navigation in and overflight above the South China Sea. They also reiterated the importance of all parties concerned exercising self-restraint and pursuing the peaceful resolution of disputes in accordance with international law, in particular the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).

23. Both leaders exchanged views on the situation in the Middle East, Iran and Palestine in particular. They expressed their grave concern over the deterioration of the situation in the region. Both leaders reaffirmed the critical importance of continuing diplomatic efforts to bring about an early de-escalation of the situation, and affirmed their intention to continue close coordination. They concurred on continuing to respond in coordination to ensure that free and safe navigation in the Strait of Hormuz is secured at the earliest possible timing. Both leaders reaffirmed their commitment to a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Palestine and to the realisation of a two-state solution. Both leaders, building on the co-hosting of the Conference on cooperation among East Asian countries for Palestinian Development (CEAPAD) Ministerial Meeting in July 2025 and the announcement of the "CEAPAD IV Kuala Lumpur Action Plan," concurred in continuing support for Palestine through this and other frameworks.

24. Prime Minister Takaichi congratulated Malaysia on the successful conclusion of its ASEAN Chairmanship year in 2025, and reaffirmed Japan’s unwavering support for ASEAN centrality and unity. Both leaders also exchanged views on the situation in Myanmar and reiterated the importance of the restoration of peace, stability and democracy. They reaffirmed to intensifying efforts towards the improvement of the situation so as to ensure the faithful implementation of the Five-Point Consensus. Malaysia highly valued the provision of equipment through OSA by Japan for the activities of the ASEAN Observer Team deployed in the Cambodia-Thailand border areas.

25. Both leaders shared deep concern over the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s nuclear and missile programmes and malicious cyber activities, confirmed their commitment to the complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula in a peaceful manner including through the full implementation of all relevant United Nations Security Council resolutions, and reaffirmed the importance of resolving the abductions issue immediately.

26. Both leaders reaffirmed the urgent need to reform the United Nations, including the Security Council, in a way that truly reflects the realities of today’s international community. In particular, they underscored the importance to strengthen the representativeness, effectiveness, transparency and inclusiveness of the UN Security Council, including through the expansion of both permanent and non-permanent categories of membership. Prime Minister Takaichi expressed her deep gratitude for Malaysia’s continued support for Japan’s candidature for its permanent membership in the UN Security Council. Both leaders expressed mutual support for candidature as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council for Malaysia’s term 2036-2037, and Japan’s term 2033-2034.

Conclusion

27. Both leaders affirmed that the wide-ranging efforts outlined in this Statement would serve not only to enhance both countries’ resilience and promote their freedom to decide for themselves in security and economy, but also further strengthen bilateral and multilateral cooperation. They reiterated their contribution to build the free and open international order based on the rule of law. 

 

 

INTERVENTION BY

 

YB DATO’ SERI UTAMA HAJI MOHAMAD BIN HAJI HASAN

MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, MALAYSIA

 

BRICS PARTNERS’ FOREIGN MINISTERS’ MEETING 2026

SESSION 2: REFORMS OF GLOBAL GOVERNANCE AND MULTILATERAL SYSTEM

 

NEW DELHI, INDIA

 

15 MAY 2026

 

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

Excellencies / Distinguished Guests / Ladies and Gentlemen,

The global governance system we have today is creaking under the weight of humanity’s most pressing worries.

2. Deepening inequalities, unsustainable debt, climate crises, and unilateral trade measures, have eroded trust in multilateralism, and international cooperation, over many years. But now it has reached a point that is simply unworkable.

3. The Global South has long struggled with this grim reality, marked by significant gaps in representation, access, and influence.

Excellencies,

4. For Malaysia, multilateralism remains the bedrock of global governance. It is imperative for a rules-based international system, to ensure that nations, regardless of size or power, have a fair voice.

5. We have seen what a world looks like, which is driven by power rather than by rules. Developing and smaller nations have been left vulnerable, to exploitation, exclusion, and isolation.

6. Without reform, the deficit in trust and hope will continue to widen. And nowhere is the need for reform more urgent than in the global financial architecture and debt crisis.

Excellencies,

7. The current financial structures are outdated, and do not account for the unique circumstances of developing countries.

8. The Bretton Woods institution is still based on GDP quotas, and is therefore out of step with its own methodology. 

9. The COVID-19 pandemic, along with other interconnected challenges, has deepened the global debt crisis.

10. Nearly 40 percent of developing countries are facing severe debt problems. 3.4 billion people live in countries that spend more on debt servicing, than on essential services like healthcare and education.

11. This crippling debt impedes the ability of developing nations to pursue the SDGs, and leaves them exposed to global shocks and crises.

12. Therefore, we need a more equitable financial system, as well as debt relief and restructuring mechanisms, to ensure all nations have the liquidity to respond to economic shocks, and invest in sustainable development.

Excellencies,

13. Trade remains a key driver of development. 

14. Increasing South-South trade should be further harnessed, for which efforts must also be made, to integrate developing nations into global value chains, and promote long-term sustainable growth.

15. In today’s era of protectionism and industrial policy, a flexible and fair global trading system is needed. A system that is grounded, in internationally agreed and enforceable rules, including those under the World Trade Organisation (WTO).

Excellencies,

16. Taken together, these challenges point to a simpler truth: That the system we have today is no longer sufficient or sustainable.

17. But reform is not about dismantling what we have, or walking away from multilateralism. It is about making it work better, with urgency and wisdom.

18. Malaysia believes that meaningful reform must be guided by three fundamental principles.

i. First, inclusivity - every nation must have a seat at the table;

ii. Second, equity - the benefits of globalisation must be shared more fairly; and

iii. Thirdly, trust - rules must be respected, and commitments must be upheld.

19. Without those above, no system can sustain legitimacy.

20. Though the path ahead is arduous, change is possible, especially when there is clarity of purpose, and a willingness to act. This is where BRICS can make a difference, not as an alternative, but as a catalyst for meaningful reform.

21. To this end, Malaysia stands ready to work with all partners, particularly within the BRICS platform, to advance a resilient and sustainable multilateral system that delivers for all.

Thank you.

INTERVENTION BY

 

YB DATO’ SERI UTAMA HAJI MOHAMAD BIN HAJI HASAN

MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, MALAYSIA

 

BRICS PARTNERS’ FOREIGN MINISTERS’ MEETING 2026

SESSION 1: BRICS@20: BUILDING FOR RESILIENCE, INNOVATION, COOPERATION AND SUSTAINABILITY

 

NEW DELHI, INDIA

14 MAY 2026

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

 

Thank you, Mr. Chair, for giving Malaysia the floor.

1. I thank the Government of the Republic of India, for inviting Malaysia to participate in this BRICS Partners’ Foreign Ministers’ Meeting.

2. The significance of this meeting has grown especially prominent over the past couple of years.

3. Against a backdrop of weakened global architecture, intensified risk of geopolitical conflict, and destabilised energy markets and global supply chains, there has never been a greater need for our collaboration.

4. For the strong-willed and the future-sighted, problems translate to opportunities. And as a collective, BRICS has the power to strengthen resilience around this rapidly collapsing world.

5. This organisation represents some of the world’s most productive economies. And one of the first priorities on the agenda, should be to support greater flow of intra-trade and cross-investment.

6. By leveraging on our relative strengths, BRICS has the potential to forge a major global supply chain. One that is diversified, dependable, and able to withstand global shocks.

7. However, resilience alone is not enough. The current phase of global growth is being shaped by technology and digital transformation. To enable true growth and prosperity, we must also practice inclusivity.

8. Digital public infrastructure, fintech systems, and A.I. are already changing how economies function and how governments deliver services.

9. But without inclusive access, these technologies will only widen inequality, instead of bridge the gap.

10. This is why Malaysia sees value, in deeper BRICS cooperation on digital governance, especially in A.I., digital infrastructure, and skills development, so that the benefits of technology and innovation are more evenly shared.

Excellencies,

11. This brings us to the question of green finance, and sustainable development. Sustainability cannot be achieved without financial systems that support it.

12. Green finance must therefore move from the margins, to the centre of global development planning.

13. Institutions such as the New Development Bank have a critical role to play, in ensuring that financing is not only available, but also fair, accessible, and responsive to the needs of the Global South.

14. Without this, the gap between ambition and implementation will only continue to widen.

Excellencies,

15. Geopolitical tensions and trade policy uncertainties, are accelerating a shift, from efficiency-driven globalisation, toward resiliencedriven regionalisation.

16. As a result, global supply chains are becoming more diversified, regionalised, and risk-managed, with capital flowing mostly toward economies that are perceived as stable and predictable.

17. From a regional perspective, ASEAN is gaining prominence as a neutral, rules-based, and economically dynamic region, offering an attractive alternative for investors seeking diversification.

18. In this regard, I see strong potential for BRICS and ASEAN to strengthen our cooperation, in building economic resilience through strategic cooperation.

19. This includes strengthening trade linkages, advancing quality infrastructure development, deepening collaboration in digital and emerging technologies, and promoting sustainable and green growth.

Excellencies,

20. As BRICS marks its 20th anniversary, the question before us is not about relevance, but about direction:

21. Whether we can move from shared concerns to shared solutions; and

22. Whether we can build systems that are more resilient in crisis, more open to innovation, more collaborative in practice, and more sustainable in outcome.

23. Malaysia believes that we can achieve this. And we remain ready to work with BRICS in shaping that direction, as a constructive partner in supporting a more balanced global order.

24. Because ultimately, our goal is simple: To help build a future that is resilient, inclusive, and sustainable for all.

Thank you.