Speeches, Statements & International Documents

KEYNOTE ADDRESS BY

 

YB DATO’ SERI UTAMA HAJI MOHAMAD BIN HAJI HASAN

MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS

 

“ASEAN AS THE CORNERSTONE IN AN ERA OF GEOPOLITICAL SHIFTS”

15th ASIAN CONFERENCE OF THE VALDAI DISCUSSION CLUB

 

ROYALE CHULAN, KUALA LUMPUR

 

9 DECEMBER 2024 

___________________________________________________________________________________________________________

His Excellency Andrey Rudenko,

Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation

 

His Excellency Naiyl M. Latypov,

Ambassador of the Russian Federation to Malaysia

 

Dr. Abdul Razak Ahmad,

Founding Director of Bait Al Amanah

 

Dr. Andrey Bystritskiy,

Chairman of Valdai Discussion Club

 

Datuk Dr. Pamela Yong,

Chairman of the Institute of Strategic Analysis and Policy Research (INSAP)

 

Datuk Chong Sin Woon,

Secretary-General of the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA)

 

Distinguished Guests,

 

Ladies and Gentlemen,

 

1. It is an honour to be addressing you all today.

 

2.As we approach the end of another year, and the mid-point of this decade, our understanding of the 2020s as a time period, is shifting into focus.

 

3. I ask you all to take a moment, to think about what this decade looks like so far. What has taken place, what might come next, and what role will ASEAN play in the ever-shifting future?

 

4. Over the past eleven months, we saw the escalation of protracted conflicts around the globe; the continued emergence of disruptive tech, such as A.I.; climate-driven natural disasters; as well as the outcomes of nationwide elections in many different countries.

 

5. These reflect the climate of instability that has rippled through global markets and security frameworks.

 

6. Ladies and gentlemen, make no mistake: although it has been an eventful year, what comes next is likely to build upon these developments, in a similarly dramatic fashion. But in what ways?

 

7. As the World Economic Forum put it, ‘If 2024 was the year of elections, 2025 is the year of questions.’

 

8. The unpredictability promised, by the outcome of the U.S. presidential race, may result in changes to alliances, trade policies, and security commitments.

 

9. These will also come at a time when the rising waters, and intensifying heat, of climate change, pose an ever-greater threat to global populations.

 

10. In other words, the first half of the 2020s has made one thing evident: global disruptions are not a temporary state; they are the new normal. 

 

11. How, then, do we forge a path forward, in a world where old certainties are unraveling, and new forces are emerging, often unpredictably?

 

12. In an age of rising multipolarity, the answer to our biggest global questions, may not lie at the extremities, of any geopolitical spectrum, but rather in the middle. In a place that is defined by its diversity, its adaptability, and its commitment to balance.

 

13. Southeast Asia’s inclusive mode of multilateralism, has guided us for decades. So then, how will ASEAN navigate, this transformative era in world history?

 

14. In the next few moments, I want to invite you all to think beyond the conventional.

 

15. To consider how ASEAN’s role in the world might evolve, in ways that defy the old paradigms of competition and conflict, and help us navigate an unpredictable, interconnected world. 

 

16. As we consider the shifting dynamics of the present, it may be tempting to think in binary terms. East versus West, South versus North, and so on. This kind of thinking, has been particularly noticeable in the discourse, on great power competition in Southeast Asia.

 

17. Having become a focal point, of strategic competition between the U.S. and China, ASEAN has often been positioned, as a ‘buffer zone’ between two global giants. But this framing, while accurate in some ways, underestimates ASEAN’s true potential.

 

18. This depiction takes away our agency. It belittles the significant role that we play.

 

19. ASEAN’s power lies in the way it represents an entirely different model of engagement. It is one that has been rarely demonstrated in world politics. One of shared decision-making, between different states that have very different forms of governance. 

 

20. In an era where geopolitical shifts are being driven, by competition for dominance in technology, trade, and military power, the ASEAN way is not just about balancing the scales of power, but about creating new structures of influence, which are inclusive, adaptive, and above all, sustainable.

 

21. Ladies and gentlemen, consider this: ASEAN presides over one of the few regions in the world, where you see a genuine, functioning multilateral framework, which goes beyond the rhetoric of cooperation.

 

22. By embracing diverse models of political economy, from market-driven approaches to more state-centered ones, ASEAN has managed to demonstrate how countries, with disparate political systems, can still collaborate and prosper. 

 

23. This stands in stark contrast, to the binary narratives of ‘democracy versus autocracy’, or ‘open markets versus protectionism’, that dominate much of global discourse today.

 

24. In a world that is rapidly fragmenting – economically, politically, and culturally – ASEAN offers a model of unity in diversity, which is not just theoretical, but also highly practical.

 

25. The question we must ask ourselves is: Can ASEAN’s approach to multilateralism, offer a blueprint for the future of global governance?

 

26. Can its ‘middle path’ of balancing cooperation, sovereignty, and regional autonomy, become a stabilising force not only in Southeast Asia, but for the world? 

 

27. This isn’t simply about ASEAN remaining neutral in the face of great power competition. ASEAN’s potential does not lie in trying to return to an old order, one which may no longer suit, the needs and purposes of emerging players.

 

28. Instead, ASEAN’s role may, instead, lie in inspiring the path forward for a new multipolar order – one where influence is not measured by military might or economic weight alone, but by the ability to facilitate dialogue, to broker cooperation, and to build the trust necessary, for global peace and prosperity.

 

29. We hope to maintain the region’s stability, and promote an open and inclusive outlook in international affairs, through continued communication with all of our Dialogue Partners, including Russia.

 

30. We also hope for a renewed focus, on collaboration between ASEAN and all relevant parties, especially in light of a worrying trend of isolationism in the West. 

 

31. Furthermore, it would run counter to our hopes for stability and prosperity, if, in the pursuit of advantage in this superpower rivalry, unilateral action was to take precedence, over consultation and diplomacy.

 

32. This is where multilateral platforms afford us, the greatest degree of fairness and transparency. ASEAN’s consensus-based decision-making approach, ensures that we can elevate each other’s voices.

 

33. As I said earlier, global disruptions are not just a temporary obstacle, but the new normal.

 

34. It is against the backdrop, of the turbulent start to the 2020s, that states should adopt joint and regional strategies, to fortify the global economy against potential setbacks, such as public health crises, climate disasters, cyber security threats, and more. 

 

35. Beyond the ability to simply ‘weather the storm,’ geo-economic resilience is about building systems that are not just reactive, but pro-actively designed to mitigate risk.

 

36. It has become clear, that the traditional structure of global supply chains, is becoming more vulnerable year by year.

 

37. During the 35th APEC Ministerial Meeting in Peru, my counterparts and I affirmed our commitment to safeguarding interconnected supply chains, ensuring that they are secure, resilient, inclusive, effective, and sustainable.

 

38. Resilience is key. And to build such resilience, we should consider realistic strategies.

 

39. Firstly, diversifying supply chains. Reducing our reliance on single sources of critical goods, can mitigate the risk of global supply chain disruptions. 

 

40. Secondly, establishing strategic reserves. Developing reserves for food, energy, and essential medical supplies, provides an additional buffer. By maintaining strategic reserves, we can stabilise our economies, and ensure availability of resources during a crisis.

 

41. Thirdly, investing in digital infrastructure for trade. The Asian Development Bank projects that investments in digital infrastructure, such as blockchain, A.I., and automation, can increase Asia Pacific trade by 20%, by 2025 – a crucial boost to the region’s economy.

 

42. Furthermore, ASEAN's success in geo-economic resilience, is not merely a byproduct of its economic strategies, but its ability to integrate geopolitical flexibility.

 

43. ASEAN countries, despite their differences, have managed to find common ground, in ways that allow them to maintain sovereignty, while strengthening economic ties across borders.

 

44. By refusing to take sides in great power competition, ASEAN has been able to maintain access to global markets, secure supply chains, and engage in high-level trade and investment partnerships with both Eastern and Western powers alike.

 

45. This is geo-economic resilience at its finest: leveraging cooperation to generate collective economic security, while allowing individual nations to remain adaptable, in the face of shifting global conditions.

 

46. Among the most urgent of these changing global conditions is climate change. This existential threat transcends borders, ideologies, and economic systems. 

 

47. Southeast Asia is home to some of the world’s most climate-vulnerable nations. Low-lying states like the Philippines, and rapidly urbanising economies like Indonesia and Vietnam.

 

48. Having said that, our region is also uniquely positioned to be part of the solution. We must look at ASEAN’s pro-active approach to environmental challenges.

 

49. In recent years, the region has not only acknowledged, the urgency of the climate crisis, but has also taken steps to integrate climate action, into economic planning.

 

50. The ASEAN Economic Community, has aimed to bring environmental sustainability, into its trade and investment frameworks. Member countries have set ambitious targets for renewable energy, carbon emissions reductions, and sustainable agriculture.  

 

51. ASEAN’s push for green infrastructure, and its adoption of the ASEAN Plan of Action for Energy Cooperation (APAEC), reflect a commitment to integrating sustainability, into the heart of its economic model.

 

52. At the same time, an emphasis on climate diplomacy is essential.

 

53. The collective voice of ASEAN in global climate negotiations, such as those within the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), underscores the region’s commitment to multilateral cooperation.

 

54. ASEAN’s ability to speak with one voice on climate issues, has made it a powerful advocate for the Global South, championing the needs of vulnerable countries, while advocating for better climate finance mechanisms and technology transfer.

 

55. In an era when climate change is increasingly a source of geopolitical tension – particularly between the developed world and the developing world – ASEAN’s commitment to bridging these divides, and fostering cooperative dialogue, is an example of how regions can find common ground, and act as mediators in global governance.

 

56. Through ASEAN, we have made great strides on the global stage, strengthening peace, security, economic cooperation, and our collective regional identity.

 

57. However, the coming years will present profound challenges. Our resilience, shared values, and established processes will be tested as never before.

 

58. As Malaysia prepares to take the Chairmanship of ASEAN in 2025, we are fully aware of the responsibility to lead the organisation, at the forefront of Southeast Asia. 

 

59. Our focus will be on ensuring the region is future-ready. We will prioritise: advancing our global goals; developing inclusive and people-driven policies; and creating innovative frameworks for the future.

 

60. A key priority will be reinforcing ASEAN centrality, amid the rise of new multilateral arrangements in the region. This will help us prevent the region from being caught, in unnecessary geopolitical rivalries or escalating tensions.

 

61. Our approach will be unified. Our diversity is not a barrier but a strength, and it enables us to build bridges between cultures, perspectives, and nations.

 

62. Dialogue will be at the core of our leadership, as we remain adaptable in engaging with evolving challenges and diverse stakeholders. 

 

63. This is why we have centred ‘Inclusivity and Sustainability’ in our plans for Chairmanship in 2025. Malaysia is committed to fulfilling our collective vision: a region defined by lasting peace, stability, sustained economic growth, social progress, and shared prosperity.

 

Ladies and gentlemen,

 

64. Something that I have observed, over the course of many years, is that as a society, we think about time in all the wrong ways.

 

65. We often think of the future as being what’s in front of us. And we represent the past as something that is behind us.

 

66. But this simply isn’t true. As a matter of fact, the future is something that we cannot see.

 

67. We can only see events that have already taken place. These are what inform, everything we hope and imagine about the future.

 

68. Truthfully, what is in front of us is the past, as we walk backwards into an unknown future.

 

69. No, we cannot see the years that lie ahead. And that is often a thought that causes much anxiety. But we can visualise it and predict it, based on existing patterns and data.

 

70. Therefore, how might we be able to judge the outcome of nearly sixty years of ASEAN’s history thus far?

 

71. This is my answer: That nothing is a greater testament to what ASEAN can achieve, than that which it already has. 

 

72. It is no newcomer to strange and unprecedented times. Through the establishment of ASEAN in the 1960s, the founding member states faced down the trials of regional political turbulence together.

 

73. For the next thirty years or so, the organisation’s shared efforts to cultivate regional development carried this region through the instability of the latter half of the Cold War.

 

74. ASEAN has weathered over half a century of upheaval and evolution as a collective. Although the world faces new and complex threats, I have no doubt that we can look to ASEAN for a stable path forward. One that is guided by dialogue with each other and with our partners.

 

75. I shall conclude my remarks with the reminder that the world is changing rapidly around us, and we cannot afford to go in, isolated and unprepared. 

 

76. If we must walk blindly backwards into the future, let us at least do so having fortified ourselves, and fully supporting each other in our endeavours.

 

Thank you.